Scrutinize President Obama’s record

When President Obama has a bad day, or more specifically, on days when the economic news has been bad, I get a slew of feedback from conservative readers that go like this:

“See, you liberal media nincompoops, this is all your fault, you treated Obama like a saint when he was running in 2007 and 2008 and you didn’t vet him, investigate him, report on him skeptically. You were so fawning (and adoring of his blackness), you missed that he was a (pick your adjective), radical, socialist, Muslim, inexperienced, dangerous, corrupt, weak Chicago politician with no track record of accomplishment, whose only talent is giving speeches.”

Those e-mails usually employ much harsher language, and some are filled with expletives.

If you watched the Republican debate Thursday night, you heard a muted version of this criticism of Obama from Mitt Romney, Newt Gingrich and Rick Santorum. (Although Ron Paul almost never mentioned Obama, he criticized the entire system of government instead.)

Deborah Howell, Post ombudsman from 2005 through 2008, said at the end of her tenure that “some of the conservatives’ complaints about a liberal tilt [at The Post] are valid.”

I won’t quibble with her conclusion. I think she was right. I read all of The Post’s lengthier, meatier stories on Obama published from October 2006 through Election Day 2008. That was about 120 stories, and tens of thousands of words, including David Maraniss’s 10,000-word profile about Obama’s Hawaii years, which I liked.

I think there was way too little coverage of his record in the Illinois Senate and U.S. Senate, for example, with one or two notably good exceptions. But there were hard-hitting stories too, even a very tough one on Michelle Obama’s job at the University of Chicago Medical Center.

And that’s what The Post needs to do in covering his reelection campaign this year: be hard-hitting on his record and provide fresh insight and plenty of context to put the past three rough years into perspective. Continue reading

The Economy. It’s still Bush’s fault!

Sourced from Washington Post
Byte Morning Fix

A majority of Americans believe that former President George W. Bush is more responsible than President Obama for the current economic problems in the country, according to a new Washington Post-ABC News poll.

Fifty-four percent of respondents said that Bush was more to blame while 29 percent put the blame on Obama; 9 percent said both men deserved blame while 6 percent said neither did. Among registered voters, the numbers are almost identical; 54 percent blame Bush, while 30 percent blame Obama.

Independents, widely considered the most critical voting bloc this fall, continue to blame Bush far more than Obama for the economic troubles. Fifty-seven percent of unaffiliated voters put the blame on the former Republican president, while 25 percent believe the blame rests more with Obama.

Heck, even one in five Republicans say Bush is more responsible than Obama for the state of the economy!

The economic blame game numbers are somewhat remarkable given that Obama is in the third year of his presidency, a tenure defined by the continued economic distress in the country.

We’ve written for quite some time that the longer Obama is in office (and the longer Bush is out of it), the more likely it is that blame for the economy would shift toward him. But, these numbers suggest — gasp! — we were wrong.

Early in his presidency, Obama spent considerable rhetorical time and energy making sure people knew the economic difficulties he had inherited from Bush.

Republicans criticized that backward-looking approach, arguing that whatever had happened in the past, it was up to Obama to make things better in the future.

(Interestingly, just 15 percent of respondents in the Post-ABC poll said they were better off now than at the start of the Obama presidency, while 30 percent said they were not as well off and 54 percent said they were in about the same shape. So while Bush may have started it, people by and large think it has gotten worse under Obama.)

In recent months, Obama rarely if ever mentions Bush when he talks about the economy. But these numbers suggest that maybe he should, since a majority of Americans still lay the economic problems in the country at the Republican president’s feet.

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Gingrich Plays the Race Card in S.C. Debated

Sourced from The Progressive

By Matthew Rothschild, January 17, 2012

In a desperate effort to revive his floundering campaign, he’s flagrantly playing the race card.

In the Sunday night debate in South Carolina, he repeated his canard against Barack Obama, calling him “the best food stamp president in American history” and claiming he wants to “maximize dependency.”

Here he’s playing off one of the oldest stereotypes in the book, and he knows exactly what he’s doing.

When Juan Williams tried to call Gingrich on it, the former Speaker used the overwhelmingly white audience to his advantage, denying that he was being insulting to black Americans, and the crowd whooped it up.

And then he used the line again about Obama, saying “the fact is that more people have been put on food stamps by Barack Obama than any president in American history.”

But there’s an obvious answer for the increase in food stamps. We’ve been in the worst economic crisis since the food stamp program began, and the number of people on food stamps started to go up dramatically under George W. Bush.

Yet the atmospherics were all in Gingrich’s favor: Gingrich dressing down a black journalist in South Carolina who dared to question his use of racial code words to go after a black president.

It was a no-win situation for Juan Williams, and a no-win situation for our country.

And it made for one of the uglier moments in this very ugly campaign.

If you liked this story by Matthew Rothschild, the editor of The Progressive magazine, check out his story After Iowa, “Pundits Slight Ron Paul after Strong NH Showing.”

Follow Matthew Rothschild @mattrothschild on Twitter

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Why we should support the VA

Sourced from progressive.org

By Suzanne Gordon, December 14, 2011

Some Republican Presidential candidates love to say how much they support veterans, but they lose credibility when they go after the Veterans Administration.

Michelle Bachman, for instance, proposes $4.5 billion dollars in cuts to the Veterans Administration. And Mitt Romney wants to kill the VA altogether and replace it with a voucher system.

The VA — with it’s so-called socialized medicine — has long been a target of Republican wrath. It is the largest integrated health care system in the country. And it works. With its 153 hospitals, more than180,000 employees, and hundreds of clinics, nursing homes, counseling and rehabilitation centers, the VA is an engine of progress in a bleak landscape of health care dysfunction.

The VA, not surprisingly excels in the treatment of combat-related physical and psychic trauma, like Traumatic Brain Injury and PTSD.

But it also provides superior care in such areas as treatment of diabetes and heart disease, among many others.

And the VA has successfully tackled the vexing and costly problem of hospital-acquired infections like MRSA — methicillin-resistant Staphylococcus aureus. The Pittsburgh VA implemented an anti-MRSA program, which included surveillance of employees, contact precautions, hand hygiene, and institutional culture change. The incidence of MRSA dropped precipitously.

Because the VA is a system, what worked in one facility was easily rolled out to all 153 of its hospitals. All patients admitted to a VA acute care hospital were tested for MRSA. Patients who were positive were then isolated. More importantly, all employees were convinced to do something only about 50 percent actually were doing — which is washing their hands after each patient contact.

Dr.Rajiv Jain and infection control nurses like Kathy Risa encouraged culture change by making infection-control everyone’s business. Between October 2007 and June 2010, rates of health care-associated MRSA infections in the VA’s intensive care units decreased by 62 percent and in non-intensive care units by 45 percent. This occurred at a time when MRSA rates were rising in other hospitals.

Destroying the VA would not only deprive veterans of excellent care, it would also deprive all Americans of innovative models of high quality, cost-effective care.

Republicans like Michelle Bachman and Mitt Romney don’t like the VA because it demonstrates that government-run health care can be successful.

Rather than change their theories, they ignore these facts. And they seem willing to monkey with what even Newt Gingrich recently called a “model” and “a very impressive institution.”

Veterans deserve to know that their government-run health care will be there when they need it. That’s the least we can do for them.

Suzanne Gordon is the co-editor of the Culture and Politics of Health Care Work Series at Cornell University Press. She can be reached at pmproj@progressive.org.

Newt V. Mitt: What’s The Difference?

Sourced from Campaign for America’s Future

By Bill Scher
December 2, 2011

With one month to go before the Iowa caucuses, the debate among Republican primary voters for the moment is between Mitt Romney and Newt Gingrich. It would be premature to conclude that it stays that way all month — the top two candidates in the Dec. 2003 Iowa polls were Howard Dean and Dick Gephardt — but one would think even Republicans have grown tired of the parade of 15-minute frontrunners.

So what is it that Republican voters are actually choosing between? How do their policy visions differ?

Here is Gingrich’s “Contract With America” plan. Here is Romney’s “Believe In America” plan.

What’s the difference?

Not much.

More Tax Cuts For The Rich–

Both believe we should double down on President George W. Bush’s jobs strategy: cut taxes for corporations and millionaires.

When Bush did it, it resulted in the worst jobs record on record.

Yet, Romney says, cut the corporate tax rate from 35% to 25%. Gingrich goes farther, to 12.5%.

Romney says make the Bush tax cuts for the wealthy permanent, and praises Bush by name in his plan. Gingrich opts to make an even deeper cut for the wealthy by proposing an “optional” flat tax of 15%, which every millionaire would obviously choose over the current top rate of 35%.

And both would eliminate the inheritance tax for multimillionaire heirs.

Fewer Rules On Corporate Behavior–

Both appear to believe that one enormous financial crisis a generation isn’t enough, as both propose completely scrapping President’s Obama Wall Street reform law.

Both even go as far as to criticize’s President Bush’s lone attempt to regulate businesses, the Sarbanes-Oxley accounting regulation law which responded to the Enron scandal — Romney would partially repeal it to exempt “mid-size” businesses, and Gingrich would totally repeal it.

Romney proposes a “cap” on the cost of new regulations with no suggestion he would factor in the related benefits of any regulations, monetary or otherwise.

Both propose drastically scaling back environmental protections. Both propose loosening rules regarding oil drilling, as if the BP disaster never happened. (Romney briefly references the spill as merely something that happened which “provided political cover” for Obama’s energy policy.)

Romney calls the Clean Air and Clean Water Acts “anachronisms” and calls the President’s goal to create millions of jobs producing clean energy as an “unhealthy obsession.” Gingrich proposes abolishing the EPA altogether, and replacing it with an “Environmental Solutions Agency” with little to no power to implement solutions.

Romney would change the Clean Air Act so the EPA would no longer have the power to address climate change. Gingrich wouldn’t have an EPA anymore, which would achieve the same goal.

Of course, both used to be supporters of a cap-and-trade system to cut carbon emissions, but no longer.

Turn Back The Clock On Health Care–

Both trash President Obama’s deficit cutting Affordable Care Act. Both pledge to repeal it. Both promise to “replace” it with something that can similarly provide health insurance for everybody, but don’t bother much with explaining how that something would actually work.

Gingrich says in the answer lies in “patient power and localism.” Romney says he will “return power to the states.” Neither bother to note that the Affordable Care Act gives states wide flexibility to set up their own systems, so long as they cut costs and expand coverage.

Instead, they tout purchasing insurance across state lines, which without any regulatory standards, merely sets up a race to the bottom. Both also back the idea of a tax credit to buy your own insurance, never mentioning that all such ideas have shown to not provide enough money to afford what’s on the market.

Of course, both used to be supporters of an individual mandate to purchase private health insurance — the centerpiece of the Affordable Care Act — but no longer.

Undermine Retirement Security–

Gingrich continues to flog partial privatization for Medicare and Social Security. Romney suggests he supports partial privatization of Medicare, saying his plan “will share those objectives” of the plan passed by the Republican House earlier this year, but holds back on the details. On Social Security, he does not indicate support for privatization, just for benefit cuts, while also rejecting any increase in the regressive payroll tax on the wealthy.

Unleash Fiscal Insanity–

Both back the ludicrous Balanced Budget Amendment which would make it impossible for the federal government to respond to financial crises and prevent Great Depressions, as we just successfully did with President Obama’s Recovery Act.

So why are Republican primary voters agonizing over this choice?

Both propose a radical right-wing vision for the country.

Both have showed their political insincerity and expediency by once backing conservatives ideas intended to actually try to solve problems, only to abandon them once Democrats adopted them in the spirit of compromise, and they no longer were en vogue among conservative opinion leaders. (If they wanted consistency, well, they got Rick Santorum. So I guess they don’t.)

Today, Romney seems to be the choice of much of the Republican establishment. Why? Style. They fear Gingrich’s propensity to say ridiculous things could destroy the party’s reputation for years.

Today, Gingrich appears to be the choice of many hard-core conservatives. Why? Style. Gingrich sounds like a bigger obnoxious blowhard. Ergo, he must be the real conservative.

But for the rest of us outside of the conservative fever swamps, know that they both offer the same swill that made us all sick in the last decade.

Ezra Klein’s Wonkbook

Sourced from Washingtonpost.com

Wednesday, November 23, 2011

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Imagine if the Democrats offered Republicans a deficit deal that had more than $3 in tax increases for every $1 in spending cuts, assigned most of those spending cuts to the Pentagon, and didn’t take a dime from Social Security, Medicaid or Medicare beneficiaries. Republicans would laugh at them. But without quite realizing it, that’s the deal Republicans have now offered to the Democrats.

In August, Republicans scored what they thought was a big win by persuading Democrats to accept a trigger that consisted only of spending cuts. The price they paid was 1) concentrating the cuts on the Pentagon while exempting Social Security, Medicaid, Medicare beneficiaries, and 2) delaying the cuts until January 1, 2013. That was, they figured, a win, as it eschewed taxes. Grover Norquist’s pledge remained unbroken.

But 12 years earlier, George W. Bush had set a trigger of his own. In order to pass his tax cuts using the 51-vote budget reconciliation process, he had agreed to let them sunset in 2010. A last-minute deal extended them until the end of 2012.

So now there are two triggers. One is an extremely progressive spending trigger worth $1.2 trillion that goes off on January 1, 2013. The other is an extremely progressive tax trigger worth $3.8 trillion that goes off on…January 1, 2013. If you count reduced interest payments, the two policies alone would reduce future deficits by about $6 trillion. That’s far more than anything the supercommittee came close to discussing. It’s distributed far more progressively than anything the Democrats have even considered proposing. And all that needs to happen for it to pass is, well, nothing.

Republicans can’t stop these triggers on their own. They need Senate Democrats and President Obama to join them in passing an alternative, or they need House and Senate Democrats to join them in overturning President Obama’s veto of their alternative. So the only way for Republicans to avoid this dual-trigger nightmare is to somehow convince Democrats to bail them out. And for that, they have two points of leverage.

The first is political: Democrats don’t want to raise $3.8 trillions in taxes, much of which will fall on middle-class households. Already, Democrats have said that their preference is to make the the Bush tax cuts for income under $250,000 permanent. That means making 80 percent of them permanent.

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No Country For Young Children

Sourced from Campaign for America’s Future
By Jeff Bryant
November 22, 2011 – 9:58am ET
When you call yourself a “historian,” you create the implication that you can speak authoritatively about, well, history. But last Friday, Republican presidential candidate Newt Gingrich defied that common sense.
Speaking at one of America’s top institutions of learning, Harvard’s Kennedy School of Government, Gingrich, who had earlier in the week bragged about being paid millions to be a “historian” for mortgage behemoth Freddie Mac, boldly declared that laws preventing child labor are “truly stupid.”
In outlining a plan to fire janitorial staffs in public schools across the county and then hire poor children to clean the schools, Gingrich claimed that laws preventing poor kids from going to work “before you’re 14, 16″ are actually obstacles standing in the way of rescuing children who are “in a school that’s failing with a teacher that’s failing.”
What “professor” Gingrich has overlooked is that there are historical reasons why America has child labor laws.
Most civilized countries have enacted child labor laws because history has proven that putting children into work situations at a very early age tends to exploit them, subject them to abuse, and endanger their education, rather than enhance it.

Can a Movement Save the American Dream?

Sourced from Campaign for America’s Progress

wpid-unknown-2011-11-14-20-46.png Featured blog entries-CAF 9/22/11 10:34 AM

Robert Borosage An Economy for All Making It In America Progressive Vision 501c(3) Take Back the American Dream

Co-written with Katrina van den Heuvel. Originally published at The Nation.

On October 3 activists from across the country will gather in Washington at the Take Back the American Dream conference, in the belief that only a citizens movement can save an American dream that grows ever more distant. In the face of a failed economy and a corrupted politics, the only hope for renewal is that citizens lead and politicians follow.

The modern American dream was inspired by a growing middle class that was the triumph of democracy after World War II. Its promise was and is opportunity: that hard work can earn a good life—a good job with decent pay and security, a home in a safe neighborhood, affordable healthcare, a secure retirement, a good education for the kids. The promise always exceeded the performance—especially with regard to racial and ethnic minorities, immigrants and women—and America never did as well as Europe in lifting the poor from misery. But a broad middle class and a broadly shared prosperity at least provided the possibility of a way up.

Now that middle class is sinking, imperiled by an economy that does not work for working people. Twenty-five million Americans are in need of full-time work, wages are declining and one in six people lives in poverty, the highest level in fifty years.

Every element of the dream is imperiled. Wages for the 70 percent of Americans without a college education have declined dramatically over the past forty years, although CEO salaries and corporate profits soared. Corporations continue to ship good jobs abroad, while the few jobs created at home are disproportionately in the low-wage service sector. One in four homes is underwater, devastating what has been the largest single asset for most middle-class families. Healthcare costs are soaring, with nearly 50 million uninsured. Half of all Americans have no retirement plan at work, pensions are disappearing and even Social Security and Medicare are targeted for cuts. College debt now exceeds credit card debt, with defaults rising and more and more students priced out of higher education.

The economy works fabulously well for the few. The richest 1 percent capture nearly a quarter of the nation’s income and control about 40 percent of its wealth. They have pocketed almost all the rewards of the past decade’s economic growth. Tahrir Square erupted in revolution in January, but America actually suffers greater inequality than Egypt. Instead of an American dream, we have an American nightmare: a government, as Nobel Prize winner Joseph Stiglitz has written, of the top 1 percent, by the top 1 percent and for the top 1 percent.

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Return of the robber barons

Sourced from Daily Kos

wpid-unknown-2011-11-14-20-171.png Daily Kos 11/13/11 9:00 AM rss@dailykos.com

(Mark E Andersen) gilded age history Howard Zinn Labor Robber Barons

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J.P. Morgan himself

(Edward Steichen)

Recently I began to re-read Howard Zinn’s A People’s History of the United States and in the chapter “Robber Barons and Rebels” I was struck by the similarity of what was happening from the 1870s through the early part of the 20th century and today.

All quoted sections, unless otherwise noted, are from A People’s History of the United States.


[T]he strikes of the white workers would not be tolerated; the industrial and political elites of North and South would take hold of the country and organize the greatest march of economic growth in human history. They would do it with the aid of, and at the expense of, black labor, white labor, Chinese labor European immigrant labor, female labor, rewarding them differently by race, sex national origin, social class, in such a way to create separate levels of oppression—a skillful terracing to stabilize the pyramid of wealth.

 

Sound familiar? It should. It is the same divide and conquer strategy the Republican party of today is using. Making teachers and other public servants pariahs, splitting the have-a-littles from the have-nots. Making soldiers into heroes, until they speak out against the system they served and fought for … then they are attacked and called cowards for speaking out against the very oppression they were fighting. Organized labor was the enemy of the robber barons then and is again today—even though the most productive time in our nation’s history was from the post-WWII years to roughly the mid-seventies when the unions were at the height of their power.


While some multimillionaires started in poverty, most did not. A study of the origins of 303 textile, railroad and steel executives of the 1870s showed that 90 percent came from middle- or upper-class families. The Horatio Alger stories of “rags to riches” were true for a few men, but mostly a myth and a useful myth for control.

 

Recently a right-wing friend told me that the reason he supports tax cuts for the rich is because he will someday be rich. I do not know how he will ever become rich—he is underwater on his mortgage and up to his eyeballs in credit card debt. But he will vote against his own best interests because of the myth that everyone, if they work hard enough, can become a millionaire in the United States. Mr. Zinn has it right: The myth of rags to riches is one to control the masses. It worked in the gilded age and it works today.


In 1895 the gold reserve of the United States was depleted, while twenty-six New York City banks had $129 million in gold in their vaults. A syndicate of bankers headed by J.P. Morgan & Company, August Belmont and Company, the National City Bank and others offered to give the government gold in exchange for bonds. President Grover Cleveland agreed. The bankers immediately resold the bonds at higher prices, making $18 million profit.

 

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“Class War” Update

Sourced from Campaign for America’s Progress
New report reveals “welfare for millionaires” [Newsweek]: “From unemployment payments to subsidies and tax breaks on luxury items like vacation homes and yachts, Americans earning more than $1 million collect more than $30 billion in government largesse each year, according to the report assembled by Sen. Tom Coburn, a Republican from Oklahoma, who is so often at odds with members of both parties that colleagues call him  ’Dr. No.’ The Internal Revenue Service provided the data showing how much money was going to the much-referenced top 1 percent. In all, millionaires receive hefty help from Uncle Sam… Still, eliminating them would help make a small dent in the $1.5 trillion congressional leaders are trying to find by Thanksgiving.”
Mike Meyers writes that GOP policies would “soak the poor”: “Since the federal income tax became law almost a century ago, progressive taxation — taxing people according to their ability to pay — has been a bedrock principle of how Americans paid for their government. It makes sense. After all, the most prosperous obtain more than most people from a federal government that enforces copyrights and patents, maintains courts that officiate over property-rights disputes and (when the government does its job right) regulates markets to ensure their fairness… Great fortunes grow with government cooperation. In recent years, Republican leaders have been chipping away at the principle of progressive taxation. Lately, they have adopted a tax policy that some call ‘soak the poor.’”

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Sorry, Gop: Looks Like America’s B*Llsh*T Detector Just Went Off

Sourced from Campaign for America’s Future

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By Richard (RJ) Eskow

November 9, 2011 – 3:47pm ET

It’s great when we can disagree in a civilized way, but it’s getting pretty hard to avoid the conclusion that the phrase “right-wing logic,” as delivered by the GOP and mimicked by Mitt Romney, has become the mother of all oxymorons. They tell us corporations are people. But people? Not so much. That Right used that argument that in yesterday’s elections, but it’s starting to look like voters in swing states and the heart of Red America have had enough.

They love to preach the “corporate personhood” principle. IBM, Goldman Sachs, Halliburton: They’re people! Why, they can even “speak”! Sure, they may be limited to the crude vocabulary of millions and billions, but you gotta admit: Come election time, they’re fluent in it.

These corporations are endowed with freedom of speech, say Mitt and Friends, but employees of the same corporations aren’t – especially when that speech involves forming a union. Follow the logic and the conclusion is inescapable: the Right believes that the company is a person but the people who work for it aren’t.

Got that?

We’re told that corporations have privacy rights, too. They have so much right to privacy, in fact, that when they throw millions of dollars of “speech” into an election we’re not allowed to know who’s speaking! But the Right says people with jobs don’t have privacy rights. Employers can spy on them, say conservatives, even when they’re at home using Facebook or Twitter

That anti-human, pro-corporate definition of personhood is part of what Ohio voters soundly rejected yesterday when they overturned the laws passed by its Republican Governor and legislators, who forbid union activities on the part of state employees. In a radical redefinition of the personhood principle,these voters decided that teachers and administrators and other state workers are actually … people. And as people, they have the right to organize and bargain for themselves.

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